Any photograph that is made - the very instant it is completed, the very instant the button has been pressed on the camera - becomes a historical document. Its use as such will depend largely on historians. Edward Steichen

Except for the colony's first fifty years, Australia's white settlement was witnessed and recorded by the camera.

This chapter aims to lay bare some of the major factors which have influenced the making of such a record. A record which is constructed from a myriad of photographic fragments and one which reflects a large number of momentary as well as some broad and enduring aims and agendas .

I shall be mapping a rather broad field and this is reflected in my selection of photographs for discussion. Many of my examples belong to the 'art photography' category but, in an effort to redress the disproportionate attention in this area over recent years, I have also selected commercial and documentary photographs for discussion.

Despite the imperative that all photographic documentation is subjective, a useful and, to some degree, objective picture of this nation's past can nevertheless be formed from the immense stockpile of extant photographs. Such a picture will reveal that photography has presented the facts to favour the interests of the socially and economically dominant groups. This has resulted in a history in which the past of subordinate groups, despite their frequently prolific use of photography, is under-represented and therefore distorted.

The popular media, the system of official archives, collections and publications usually facilitate the dissemination of 'official' and 'public' images and in turn exclude, for the most part, the 'non-official' and 'private' photographs that tell the other side of the story . Photography's contribution to historiographic practice must now be considered as a standard component within the larger process that 'makes history'. Photographs from public and private stockpiles are continuously subjected to a variety of processes which determine the interpretation of a collective past. As individual photographs are selected and absorbed by the collections and institutions which facilitate the writing of Australia's past, they are detached from their original function and context.

The broader terms of reference that govern this process have , until recently, been subjected to very little critical evaluation. The proposition that photographs which represent the past to us must be evaluated against an informed framework of criteria has also only recently entered the debate The excogitation of a new approach towards the interpretation of social history from photographic images must take the framework of production of each photograph into account.

I have identified the technological, ideological, contextual and stylistic elements to be the corner stones for such a framework. Each of these four categories has fulfilled quite an independent role in the evolving photographic portrayal of AustraliaÕs white settlement and yet they have functioned in apparent accord.

The choice to present the following account via four 'mini-histories' was made for methodological reasons. Each category can be examined in a broadly sequential manner with reference to a selection of typical examples that permits an appraisal of the component and control element. The fact that Australia has always imported it's photographic technology is a rarely mentioned detail . This writer however thinks it significant that each time photographic equipment or a new photographic process arrived in Australia, its application and limitations had already been explored and profiled elsewhere. Australia therefore imported a sketch for the potential use of new photographic technology alongside the equipment itself and this led, quite naturally, to an imitative application of any new photographic technology.

The four examples which I have chosen to demonstrate this link between image and technology begin with an outline of the arrival of the photographic process in Australia and the first uses of this new technology. During this era the making of a photograph was a considerable feat and the links between processes, equipment and subject -matter can thus be clearly established. It also signals the beginnings of the division between professional and amateur equipment and, in turn, practice. The second example examines the impact of the Kodak pocket camera. This is followed by an account of the changes introduced by the miniature camera which uses the 35mm film format and which, as the 'fully automatic' camera of the 1980s and 1990s, is so user-friendly that the technical skills required in the making of a photograph are no longer an obstacle to anyone. The final category is the electronic still camera which, while already in use , will gain speed, performance and versatility with the continuing advances in the miniaturization of electronic data storage.

The practice of photography came to Australia nearly two years after the announcement of Daguerre's invention in Paris on August 19th 1839. Europe had by now experienced a wide variety of responses to this new medium which ranged from enthusiastic acceptance such as Dominique Francois Arago's view that 'Mr. Daguerre has made a extraordinary contribution to the arts ' , to the absolute rejection of the process typified by the often cited article written in 1841 for the Leiptziger Stadtsanzeiger by Max Dauthendey:' Man is made in the image of god and no man-made machine can contain god's picture' .Dauthendey warned:' Should god just stand by and tolerate that a Frenchman in Paris releases this most devilish contraption? It has to be made quite clear that all humanity will become unchristian and outside salvation once a piece of gold is capable of purchasing a likeness' . Max Dauthendey's claim derives from the Christian religious doctrines in central Europe which adhered to the view that man was made in the image of god and any 'unauthorised' depiction of man qualified as an act of hereticism as it (in a sense ) depicted God without God's permission. Such excitement surrounding the early uses of photography appears to have quickly subsided. Nothing it seems could prevent it's global spread and it's reach into every aspect of human experience. The first photograph taken on the Australian continent was a view of Bridge & George Streets in Sydney made on the 13th of May 1841 by a traveller, a Captain Lucas , commander of the French ship Justine which had come to Australia as part of a naval school expedition. It seems that initial interest in the photographic medium in Australia was modest as there is no record of Captain Lucas having affected a sale of his apparatus although the Australasian Chronicle publicised Lucas's preparedness to part with his camera at 'prime cost' in an article printed on April 13 th 1841. While the European use of Daguerre's process began almost immediately after it's release to the public , the first Daguerreotype camera was unwieldy and heavy . The initial size and cost factors may have hindered Daguerre's plans to export his camera . However , in the case of Australia, the colony's lack of status in a global sense would account for the casual, and somewhat coincidental, atmosphere that surrounds the introduction of photography to this continent. Australia was slow in any case to take to the photographic medium as we can see from Captain Lucas's apparent lack of success in generating local interest towards the purchase of his photographic apparatus. Owing to the exceedingly long exposures required during the early stages of photography , the first pictures were invariably inanimate subjects but, as elsewhere, the great expansion of photography occurred in the area of portraiture. The first such commercial practice in Australia was thus finally set up on the 9th of December 1842 when George Goodman opened a portrait studio in Sydney. Goodman's public announcement of his process ' by which faithful miniature likenesses of the human countenance and person are won from the hand of nature in the short space of a few seconds' (plate 1), struck a very encouraging response with the public who were happy to part with the relatively modest fee of one guinea for a small picture that captured a good personal likeness . The impact of Australian photographic portraiture mirrored the trends already evident in Europe and America. The traditional exclusivity of the painted portrait was quickly and severely eroded by the very reasonably priced camera portrait . Portraiture had always been beyond the means of all the working class and most of the middle class. Now one of the symbols of class identification had been removed almost overnight and the socio-political impact of photography had begun. Portraiture was a primary practice for commercial and amateur photographers alike, but because of the difficulty in controlling contrast and exposure, indoor portraits dominated the commercial practice until the 1860's. Outdoor subjects and particularly portraits were mostly the work of dedicated and educated amateurs before this time who could afford to experiment without jeopardising a fickle clientele. During the 1840s and 50s photographic portraiture became a major phenomenon; not only in Australia but in all countries that had access to this new medium . The Duryea brothers portrait of a family group (plate 2) exemplifies both the positive and negative qualities of the daguerreotype process. Despite considerable improvements to the optics of camera lenses and the sensitivity of the plate, the average exposure time was still in the range of 30 seconds and 10 second exposures could only be achieved under optimum conditions . This invariably required the sitters to subject themselves to uncomfortable steadying clamps mounted on armatures and to hold their expressions perfectly still. The outcomes were frequently criticised for the lifeless quality of the subjects. In contrast to this stiff and formal depiction which can be held as typical for a commercial portrait of this period, is Loisa Elizabeth HoweÕs salted paper photograph of her husband's business friends on Christmas Day 1858 (plate 3). Not only does it avoid the stiff formalism of the daguerreotype, it conveys something about each sitters personality due to his choice of pose and expression as well as a degree of the atmosphere of the day due to the relaxed setting and the well attired subjects. The three decanters, the filled port glasses, the cigarette held by Crofter, and Morrison with his pipe, all add to the impression of a relaxed after dinner event. The Loisa How photograph typifies the type of occasion when amateur photography was deemed appropriate: to create a memento of a pleasant day and agreeable company . Although it still required considerable attention to technical detail, by the 1860s photography had become a popular hobby for the leisured classes . Both pioneering processes in photography, the daguerreotype and the calotype process pioneered by Henry Fox Talbot had major limitations. It is not surprising that the daguerreotype finally lost the race. It's problems, the restricted picture size and the inability to make multiple copies of a particular image could not be resolved. The problems with Henry Fox Talbot's process were less insurmountable. The principle of a negative/positive process was sound, but it was the development of the collodion process by Henry Scott Archer in 1851 that made the qualitative leap forward possible. Thus, despite the considerable technical difficulties with the wet plate method , most photographs during the mid to late 19th century were made with this process .The major impact of the collodion wet-plate process was without question it's suitability for repeat prints and the introduction of this process marks the beginning of photographyÕs role in the mass media. The collodion process facilitated the demands on a flourishing industry which sold photographs depicting a broad range of subjects, individually and in albums (plate 4). This industry begun in the 1850s and continued throughout the nineteenth century With the invention of the less exacting dry-plate process photographs could be economically mass produced after the mid-1880s . The multiplication of popular views took place in factories and on roof-tops (plate 5). The social and political ramifications of this new vehicle of communication include a wider, and more socially diverse, audience than that previously enjoyed by the traditional media of painting, drawing and print making. The traditional hierarchy of significance in terms of subject matter was revised and expanded to include views of mining and agriculture, people posing outside shops and homes, aboriginals, railways, ships and even streetscapes. In 1875 the publisher J.R.Clarke advertised 'that he had over one thousand views, but it seems that demand had outstripped supply' . The low cost of views and the diverse and expanding range of subjects gained them popularity with a broad audience and the desire, amongst colonists, for views appears to have been insatiable. This audience extended far beyond the traditional sector of middle and upper class art patrons. This culturally and intellectually broader audience ensured the continuing diversification of photographic subject matter to cater for its needs and interests. The post 'gold rush 'and Convicts Prevention Act colony was keen to proffer proof of a new self image. A vision where honest labour could yield prosperity in a land of endless opportunity. This vision relied on the increased migration of skilled workers and an end to the colony's status as a penal colony for the crown. The 'views' taken in the second half of the eighteenth century in Australia collectively signal this change of image via a myriad of signs that describe individual and collective success and prosperity. Examples of the complimentary progress in cultural and moral matters is signified by views of churches, institutions of learning and dignified leisure activities. The land itself is shown as tamed and pastoral or, as a benign wilderness, with ferny glades and sunlit pools beneath waterfalls. The 'views trade' anticipated the modern postcard and like it, concentrated on the depiction of landmarks, the exotic landscapes and the orthodox aspects of behaviour and lifestyle. Kodak's introduction of the pocket camera to the Australian market during October 1895 can now be appreciated as one of the most significant events in this countries photographic history. Enthusiasm for this new apparatus was so great that over 3000 units sold within the first two months after it's market release. The explosion of photographic practice that followed Kodak's release of its first pocket camera exceeded the snapshot craze which had already began a decade earlier. The redundancy of the tripod and the small size of the camera made it possible to photograph unobtrusively . Now, for the first time, a camera could capture a spontaneous and unposed moment. This resulted in a large body of examples of a culture depicting its own condition. The assertion by The Amateur Photographer, (the official American magazine for the Ôhand - held camera workerÕ), Ôour moral character dwindles as our instruments get smallerÕ , signifies that by the early part of the twentieth century even ÔinsidersÕ could no longer condone the excesses of the amateur movement. The famous claim Ôyou press the button, we do the restÕ indicated that anyone could use this equipment with confidence.

The Ôuser-friendlyÕ nature of the ÔKodakÕ as well as the inexpensive reloading of the camera (plate 6) were major factors in the growing popularity of snapshot photography. The pocket camera caused a broadening of acceptable subject matter and consequently a re-definition of what could and should be photographed. Beyond the tradition of family portraits and family centred events, the realm of the amateur photographer now expanded to more general subjects. Subjects which were perceived as beautiful, curious, or typical of a place or event were now captured by the amateur photographer. Greater spontaneity in the use of the camera and the erosion of traditional compositional canons made way for an attitude which is exemplified by Garry WinnograndÕs claim: ÔI photograph to see what something looks like photographedÕ The photograph by Stuart Gore (plate 7) typifies this attitude. When his car caught fire some 160 kilometres from the nearest settlement at Shark Bay in Western Australia he photographed the event rather than make an attempt, however impotent, to put out the fire. To find or even instigate ÔinterestingÕ events capable of yielding spectacular photographs became something of a hallmark of the ÔseriousÕ amateur photographer since the 1840's .

When equipment became more portable and emulsions faster this trend reached by all accounts epidemic proportions. . Despite the fact that the omnipresent camera was often perceived as an annoying feature of life, it provided what can now be claimed as an important contribution to social history. The snapshot was not considered part of history until the 1970s when family albums were first investigated for the social and historical significance of their content . The resulting visual evidence discloses fragments for a new Australian social history. A history that fills the gaps in the official photographic record of this nation which was constructed to reflect the ideological position of the ruling class. The introduction of 35mm equipment accelerated and broadened photographic activity even further. In 1980, Alain Desvergnes claimed that Ôover ten billion photographs are taken each yearÕ The largest quantity of these photographs is taken on miniature cameras and on colour negative film. One of the major consequences of the miniature format is that it has substantially reduced the unit cost per frame and thus amateurs and professionals alike have grown used to the idea that the saturated photographic treatment of an event will lead to a small number of ÔexcellentÕ images. Auto winding and motor drive cameras have further encouraged the photographer to use copious amounts of film in the quest to capture the instant that best defines the event. Professional photographers pouring over proof-sheets or amateurs shuffling through the packet of prints outside the chemist shop or processing lab have become commonplace images of the Ôphotographer as editorÕ. This in turn has led to, if not encouraged, a gradual de-skilling of the camera-user and changed the Ôeditorial parametersÕ.

Melbourne based photographer Mark Strizic took one of his most important images during the Queens visit in 1954. He had just purchased a new 35mm camera and, on a day full of picture opportunities he accumulated a total of 94 frames (plate 8 a,b,and c of 3 proof-sheets). One image from this dayÕs shooting, the People on the steps of Saint PatrickÕs Cathedral (plate 9 ) was chosen by Stella Lees and June Senyard some thirty years later to represent this event in their book The 1950s..how Australia became a modern society, and everyone got a house and a car. The caption Ôthe Queen had just passed, and so had an era where Australia was seen as an outpost of the British EmpireÕ now accompanies this image. The image is now a referent for a complex socio-political situation. The other 93 frames, taken by the same photographer during the same event will remain unseen. This forces any de-constructive analysis to begin one step after the selection process which gave this particular image prominence. Future analysis will see this image as Mark StrizicÕs interpretation of the event in question. When the Strizic image is contrasted with one of the more orthodox depictions of the same royal visit, selected for one of the many pictorial histories of Australia (plate 10), neither the photograph (which has also undergone some editorial process) nor the caption which simply states Ôin 1954 Queen Elizabeth II visited AustraliaÕ appear to connote the same event. As each new Ôrepresentative imageÕ in our social history is subjected to similar selection processes the notion of a single ÔtrueÕ account is further discredited.

The sub-miniature cameraÕs facility to produce low cost, multi-faceted, interpretations of an event has thus serviced the parachme of the medium. The 1981 project to summarise photographically Ôwhat Australia is likeÕ, is a case in point. The 96 000 photographs, taken during one day, were edited into the 349 plates in the book A Day in the Life of Australia. At this rate, more than 250 rolls of film were exposed for every single plate in the book. The questions of authorship and consumerism , which plagued the photographic medium during the first decades after its invention re-emerge in the light of the signifier of controlÕs shift to the mark of post-production editing. Most discourses on the relationships between photographic technology and image focus their attention on cameras. This ignores the effect of changes to the light sensitive materials used in conjunction with this equipment. I will only make cursory mention of one example here to highlight the deficiency of debate in this field. Since Kodak reassured its customers that Ôwe do the restÕ many professional and most amateur photographers have indeed surrendered all control over their films. That is to say that the manufacturing, processing and printing decisions which control the abilities and outcomes of light sensitive materials are now made by a handful of individuals who work for multinational corporations such as Kodak, Agfa, Polaroid and Fuji. Decisions ranging from keeping properties to the appropriate dye structure that provides the ÕcorrectÕ blue sky or skin tone are made with major markets in mind.

The most recent developments in photographic technology have been in the total automatization of camera equipment. The quest to develop Ôuser-friendlyÕ equipment has resulted in cameras which require no skill other than the selection of a subject in the viewfinder and depressing of a touch-sensitive button. The technical control over outcome has been contracted to the degree where it only extends to the decisions made in the selection of camera and film at the point of purchase. The hidden cost of this type of equipment is twofold: the marketing and popular acceptance of a loss of choice over process and content (which is promoted as an advantage) and, the gradual atrophy of user skill. The equipment now takes over many of the creative or manipulative controls related to exposure and focus. The ergonomics of the camera design itself promote its use in the ÔlandscapeÕ mode rather than the vertical Ôportrait modeÕ The built - in, but relatively low power, flash is ideally suited for the range where small groups or individual subjects fill the frame. This means the camera is now used towards the depiction of indoor events more often and by more photographers than ever before. Events or subjects which did not justify the services of a commercial photographer and thus were largely unrecorded in the past, are now included in the photographic record. In the future, still video cameras and digital backs on still cameras will be replacing the traditional use of silver halide emulsions in cameras.

Early commercial examples of this technology have already appeared on the professional market since the mid-1980s. These devices have yet to impact fully in Australia. In the U.S.A., however, there already exists a newspaper which is produced entirely by electronic facilities in all pre-press aspects. Its inaugural issue was published in 1989 and the fact that this first issue already contained over 100 electronically produced photographs attests to the fact that digital photography has moved into the practical phase. To date there are many significant developmental stages within the continuum of photographyÕs technical evolution which have impacted on the evolution of the construction of a visual social and political history. None have had the capacity , until now, to challenge the bond between photography and time and space based reality. Digital technology in photography will do just that. The preceding examples have shown how major technological changes in photography have impacted on the construction a social and political history based on visual evidence and information. Each major technical advance anticipated a further expansion in photographic practice . A reliance on photographyÕs apparent ability to ÔauthenticateÕ a moment has formed and is now firmly embedded in social behaviour patterns. The concept of Ôcamera as eyewitnessÕ(and the implied trust in the veracity of the medium) has become a fundamental aspect in the creation of modern history. As digital technology begins to erode the last attributes from the photographic image which permit the viewer the facility to distinguish between fact and fiction , photographyÕs usefulness as a historiographic device will have to be assessed in a new light. For the last sesquicentennial at least, photographic technology did provide a progressively improving facility to suspend in time a myriad of moments that support the complex fabric of our social and political history.

The ideas of nation as family and country as homeland are powerful ideologies with long histories. They provide individuals with a locus but in turn demand loyalty to the community and the state. Ideology arises in association with processes of communication and exchange. It involves the reproduction of the existing relations of production (those activities by which a society guarantees itÕs own survival). In this sense ideology operates as a constraint, limiting us to certain places or positions within these processes of communication and exchange.

The fabrication of images that persuade the individual to function willingly within a system of beliefs is thus elementary to any ideological system. Such images include a record of material deemed to be of historical significance . From the viewpoint of praxis, photographyÕs bond with ideology is re-affirmed with every exposure. The discussion ahead addresses a selection of images from this viewpoint. The selection encompasses examples which range from official propaganda to the portrayal of habitation, work, progress and war. I have selected contrasting photographic responses to specific categories of depiction to highlight the ideological bias of each example. This contrast will demonstrate the impossibility of a Ôneutral groundÕ in the creation of a photographic record. Every photograph should therefore be viewed and interpreted in the light of the ideological framework which promoted its creation and supports its survival. The depiction of work and progress in Australia had the twofold purpose of record and propaganda imposed from the very beginning by the necessity to attract emigrants . The Colonization Circulars issued by her MajestyÕs Colonial Land and Emigration Commissioners between the years 1843 and 1873 (plate 11) attest to the energetic British efforts to dispose of itÕs colonial crown lands to settlers and to attract emigrants to the colony.

The Queensland Government responded with its own initiative by sending its newly appointed Agent General Richard Daintree to England in 1872 to promote emigration. Daintree was armed with a photographically illustrated handbook for intending immigrants which featured his own photographs and such captions as: Ôfirst class pastoral, ten shillings an acreÕ (plates 12 a and 12 b). Eleven years later Bernard Otto Holterman, a member of the New South Wales Legislative Assembly proposed in 1883 that the Government spend 2000 pounds to procure photographs of Sydney and the important public buildings and public works throughout New South Wales. He intended to Ôdistribute these amongst the Mechanics Institutes and Art Galleries of Europe with a view of thereby exciting the attention of the most desirable class of immigrants and others to the advantages offered for the introduction of skilled labour into this countryÕ . He quoted specific examples of skilled immigrants who had come to Australia as a result of seeing his photographic displays in Europe. The New South Wales Government greeted this idea with scepticism and mockery. This rejection is difficult to reconcile with the fact that the New South Wales display had already used photography with great success for just such a purpose when the huge Holterman panorama (plate 13 ) was featured in the official New South Wales display at the Philadelphia Centennial Exhibition in 1875 and at the Exposition Universelle Internationale in Paris in 1878. The Holterman panorama is testimony to the great colonial preoccupation with the depiction of property and progress. The numerous ÔviewsÕ taken by professional photographers of civic buildings were usually sold in albums or as single prints. August and solid buildings such as banks, mints, Government houses, universities and even goals were photographed in every state and territory. Proof of a permanent and prosperous colony could now be furnished to potential British migrants and investors alike in the form of photographs. In 1870 the American and Australasian Photographic Company (plate 14) commenced to photograph virtually every dwelling, shop or public building in the colony (plate 15). Australia continued to be promoted as a land of plenty, and a nation capable of providing great opportunities for workers, for another century. Records of progress and Government spending can be seen in the photographs of buildings, railroads, roads, dams and bridges which represent the state of development . This visible evidence of prosperity, growth and progress was communicated to Britain and Europe to attract migrants and also to demonstrate the success of the colony. The surviving photographs of work and living conditions are usually idyllic and full of national pride. Such depictions promote the ideology of a nation which has already resolved and put to rest the social issues arising from industrialisation which promoted the emergence of a ÔWorker-photography movementÕ in Germany, Britain and Russia.

The 1931 workers photograph which illustrated the cover for the magazine Der Arbeiter Fotograf (plate 16 ) is typical of the type of document absent from Australian archives. The one-sided portrayal of work and workers in Australia made no reference to a hierarchy of power, neither did it address the issue of environmental and safety conditions in the work-place. Instead, there exist an abundance of images such as the Frank Hurley photograph depicting the migrant farmer and his strawberry pickers (plate 17) or the Edward Cranstone image (plate 18) and, more recently, the Graham Mc Carther picture of the proud, dignified boiler man at CSR (plate 19).The concept of minority groups representing their own condition via the photographic medium had no noticeable following in Australia until the 1970Õs.

The Government is the primary patron of historiographic photographic practice in Australia and as such it bears the responsibility for the continuation and maintenance the national photographic archives. This duty has been perceived as one of the responsibilities of Government for more than a century. The visual record of events that are deemed significant in Australia's political history is essentially embodied in a continuing series of portraits. These portraits of individuals and groups, together with appropriate captions inform about the essence of the event in question. Alfred DeakinÕs recollection of the negotiations which eventually culminated in the unification of Australians in a Federal Commonwealth after the first of January 1900 describes such a case: ÔOne could study the varying fortunes of the Federal delegates in London from the places they occupied in the photographs taken there of the colonial conferencesÕ. He continues that Ôin the first group, entirely dominated by British statesmen, the Australians stand meekly at the back. In the next group, a few of them have filtered down into the second row: in the third the prominent places are equally divided; and in the last group, the Australians occupy the front seatsÕ . This formula of depiction, in itÕs myriad of applications has become an accepted means which transposes and ÔcontainsÕ events of a political, but also of a social nature.

The ideological links between the recording of war and the self image of a nation have their roots in ancient history. The commodification of history generally, and specifically of war, requires a major topology . The photograph is perfect for this purpose. AustraliaÕs official record of itÕs participation in armed conflicts, usually in the role of ally to the Crown and more recently as member of A.N.Z.U.S., is also part of the Governments jurisdiction. The fact that the Australian War Memorial alone holds over 500 000 photographic prints from the various armed involvements by Australian troops attests to the ideological significance attributed to this kind of record . The documentation encompasses every conflict from the New South Wales troops fighting in Sudan in 1885 to Australian soldiers in Vietnam during the early 1970s and the Middle East in 1991 .Australia's involvement in World War I was documented extensively. First in a body of individual and group photographs of the 325 000 volunteers by May and Minna Moore , and then by AustraliaÕs first officially appointed War Photographer Captain Frank Hurley and other photographers under his command .World War II was documented primarily by two groups: the Military History Unit of the army whose primary brief was to document the 1939 to 1945 war from a historic viewpoint, and the Commonwealth Department of Information which had a non- military staff of journalists and photographers . Again, the photographer in charge was Frank Hurley .

If one attempts to summarise photographs from the various theatres of war , the resulting classifications would have to include recruitment, group portraits, training, embarkation, combat, victorious troops,troops as victims, prisoners of war from both sides of the conflict -during and after their imprisonment, military equipment static and in action, photographs of military and civic destruction, disembarkation, support activities at home and the activities of politicians including the signing of documents declaring the end of a conflict. Despite the historical and conceptual vapidity of an enterprise which aims somehow to document the ultimate human and political obscenity, wars continue to be documented. The alternative, not to photograph a war, is never seriously contemplated .

The official group portraits of soldiers for the purpose of identification and historic record accompanied every armed conflict in which Australia participated. The ritual of group photography creates more than a record; it functions as a bonding ceremony and becomes a powerful memory trigger. The Barcroft Chapel-Boake photo-montage of the New South Wales Contingent, Soudan Campaign which was made in 1885 (plate 20) depicts the Major General Richardson C.B. surrounded by the next hierarchical level of Captains and Majors with the individually depicted soldiers furthest from the centre. The smaller scale portraits of the lower ranks reinforce this hierarchically ordered portrait. The J. Gazard image (plate 21) which depicts soldiers having their final lunch at the Exhibition building before being shipped of to fight in the Boer war (1900)has made a significant shift towards a more democratic rendition of the participants. Each photographer has resorted to different means to be able to show clearly the face of every soldier. This precision of instruction that would have been required for the Gazard photograph suggests that the legibility of every face was indeed a primary objective.

Every major conflict to which Australia has sent its military troops has been off-shore and the recurring motive of soldiers embarking and disembarking neatly ÔpackagesÕ the war in question in terms of photographic depiction . In similar terms the concept of the returned soldier and the commemoration of those lost in battle is neatly packaged into Anzac day. Every year the Anzac day parade draws together a large crowd of onlookers and a significant contingent of photographers ranging from press photographers, art photographers, photography students to ÔseriousÕ amateurs. The presence of cameras has become a normal feature for this public event and photographers have a large crowd of Ôcamera-tolerantÕ individuals at their disposal. Greg MorrisonÕs photographic essay of the 1971 Sydney Anzac Day parade could be said to typify the event as it is perceived and photographed by thousands. The images (plates 22 a.b and c.) depict the nostalgia, the rituals of mateship and the exchanges of well worn anecdotes and hip flasks. In stark contrast is a series of works produced a decade later by the feminist photographer Glenda Gerrard who depicts the female contingent in the event (plates 23 a.b and c.). The most noticeable aspect of these photographs is their emphasis on the lower half of the subjects bodies in particular the feet and stance which, in the case of many of the depicted women is a typical 'at ease' military stance. The depiction of torso-less individuals whose age can only be speculated at by observing details such as the type of footwear, the youthfulness of a gait or stance and the apparent age of pairs of stockinged legs (plate no. 23 c) becomes a potent political statement when it is linked with the event and the recognition that the women depicted here are themselves returned soldiers. The missing upper torso and head deny the viewer access to traditional devices for the construction of 'meaning' about the subjects. GerardÕs images provide no insights for the observer about her subjects abilities, character or personal history. Her photographs thus remind the viewer of photographyÕs tendency to create ÔstereotypesÕ rather than ÔtruthsÕ. Glenda GerardÕs work belongs to the Ômultiplicity of minor resistancesÕ which produce the evidence of, and for, minority struggles .

The Australian Bicentennial celebrations of 1988 functioned as a catalyst for the most recent wave of nationalistic awareness and historical interest. Considerable funding was issued by the Federal Government for various community based projects and this in turn resulted in a multitude of funding applications for proposed photographic projects The re-photographing of places whose original documentation accompanied the process of white settlers Ôopening up' the continent . Funding was approved for two major projects of this kind; one in South Australia : South Australia Re-photographed which was guided by nineteenth century images created by the photographers Ernest Gall and Samuel Sweet . The other, the Holterman Rephotographs 1872-1988 which derived it's reference as the name suggests from the Holterman Views of the central West in New South Wales during the 1870's gold rushes. Both these projects utilised a side by side placement of the 'then' and 'now' versions in the final display. This diptych arrangement encourages the viewer to make comparisons between the 'evidence' and to attempt an overall judgement about the 'significance' of these changes. These works which are executed in black and white, archivally processed and purposely devoid of any obvious subjective references exude a cool documentary aura. Yet, the success of the Ôthen and nowÕ comparisons relies mostly on juxtaposition. The impotence of the re -photographed images, when viewed without reference to their historic counterparts highlights that this can also be true of the original views. Without reference to what was before, they tell the viewer very little. Naturally history, or our interpretation of history, does not exclusively rely on photography but derives from oral and written records as well as interpretation of surviving artefacts. What is of particular interest, however, is the discovery of photographs which do not support our existing 'reading' of history; that is, photographs that contradict historical 'facts'. The conscious decision to provide a detached account is however often marred by the historians' allegiance ,voluntary or otherwise, with the views and perceptions of the ruling class or specific institutionalised bodies.

The censorship that shapes even the most well intentioned 'official' record controls by omission. More direct and less scrupulous interference distorts history further but whatever the case , to believe in an objective history is to believe a utopian dream.

The relationship between the photograph and context of placement will here be examined in a discussion of examples from four areas: the newspaper, the book, exhibition or display and the family album. Between them, these four areas share the task of informing, within pre-determined terms of reference, their audience of some aspect of the past by providing relevant photographic proof. Each of these areas has evolved individual positions with a specific set of concrete agendas. Such agendas have emerged for the purpose of taking control of the photographÕs interaction with its audience in order to maximise the effect of the message. Recent theory which looks at cultural history places emphasis on the artefact as part of cultural production . In this sense, the context in which a photograph is viewed determines meaning and interpretation as much as the pictorial content of the photograph itself.

Content and context together determine the signification of the image. The years between 1888 and 1893 saw the displacement of engravings from photographs by the half tone plate in the Australian printed media . This period marks a pivotal change to the interrelationship between photograph and audience in the sense that a quality facsimile of the original photographic print could now be circulated via the mass media. One of the earliest such photographs reproduced in an Australian newspaper is Edward street, Brisbane during the 1893 flood (plate 24) which was photographed by J.S.Willey. This image already exhibits many of the traits that were to become familiar features of newspaper photography: the depiction of the event from the position of an onlooker, the central composition and the inclusion of features or elements which provide a sense of scale, location and, where possible, time. In this context a photograph is rarely encountered without some accompanying text. The photo/text relationship permits editorial fine tuning of the way photographs are intended to be interpreted. Text and image can be made to subtly divaricate and thus serve a hidden agenda. For example, despite the fact that a Supreme court jury found that 4 men accused of a pay-back slaying 2 young policemen were not guilty, the front page of the Herald Sun tabloid told a different story. ItÕs cover (plate 25) displayed the faces of the four ÔvillainsÕ and the two ÔvictimsÕ with photographic choices that were far from neutral. The accused are depicted in a block as unsmiling, in some cases evasive (Peirce and Farrell appear to be avoiding eye contact with the camera) in another, defiant (McEvoy with raised chin and eyes focused above and beyond the camera). The smaller images of the murdered constables reveal smiling faces and in the case of Tynan, open and friendly eye contact with the viewer. Even without the captions the editor established a clear distinction between villain and victim. Therefore, despite a jury verdict of Ônot guiltyÕ, the Ôtrial by mediaÕ eroded and perhaps even encouraged doubts about the juryÕs finding in the mind of the public. Such (ab)uses of the photographic image can direct and manipulate the interpretation of any event, so that the readers' impression is coloured or distorted.

The question of ethics and morality in photographic practice has to date received little critical attention anywhere and has, in the Australian arena, been largely ignored. Ethics and morality determine not only questions of legality in photographic practice they can indeed determine what is deemed to be true, as having occurred in fact. According to Robert C. Solomon Ôthe issues of ethics are the issues of life in human society. We do not just behave according to instinct or impulse. We are taught goals and acquire ideals. We conform to patterns of social behaviour and share in our praise for certain actions and our condemnation of others.Õ The camera is often described as an 'eyewitness' and this suggests a degree of neutrality at the point of taking the picture which connotes spontaneous action and a reliable and honest recollection by the mechanical witness. Only the most gullible observer would still accept such a suggestion today, but the fact is that the greater proportion of the population are still quite ready to accept the visual 'facts' of a photograph as the 'truth'. Captions that accompany photographs are legitimatised by the image and the image in turn is given authority by the caption. Editorial control is invisible in the final outcome and thus unrecognised for it's interference . The photograph , like most manifestations of mass media is a mono-directional message . As John Walker points out Ôthe mass media function vertically , that is to say, messages are transmitted in one direction only, from top to bottom (and from urban centres to rural peripheries, from the developed countries to the underdeveloped countries)Õ. This statement, when viewed in the context of media ownership, clearly supports my earlier claim that photography presents the facts to favour the interests of the socially and economically dominant groups.

When David Moore's picture Redfern Interior was chosen by Edward Steichen in 1955 for the Family of Man exhibition which toured the world and was by far the best attended photography exhibition to date , it was this one picture that represented Australia to the world (plate 26). The fact that it shows a situation that was photographed in 1949 during the post war depression was easily overlooked by a public which viewed this image amongst hundreds more. Redfern Interior may well have been selected for itÕs underlying socio-political content. This image connotes that Australia is not the Ôlucky countryÕ which it liked to promote as an International profile. There is now growing evidence that the Family of Man, which was arranged and sponsored by the United States Information Agency and Coca Cola, had a hidden political agenda . In the light of cold war politics the inclusion of MooreÕs image highlights more about the role of selection, and the function of context, than it does about the pathos embodied in MooreÕs photograph. The conventions of amateur photography, as it is practiced millions of times every day in Australia, are the private/personal equivalent to the official/public government record photograph which was discussed earlier in this chapter.

The vast army of snapshot photographers tends to practice photography on a extremely individualistic basis. Some photographers who treat their hobby very seriously join camera clubs, but for the greater part, amateur photography is seen as a means to record significant and trivial occasions or incidents that occur in the family context. Amateur photography also, perhaps as a secondary interest, compliments a variety of leisure pursuits and hobbies or interests. As John Walker states, Ôthe camera is used to record and immobilize important stages, and trivial incidents, in the family life, and as a cheap means of obtaining portraits. Its recreational dimension is evident from the important role it plays in tourism and holidaysÕ. He echoes Susan SontagÕs writings with the claim that Ôamateur photography thrives on the rigid work/leisure distinction typical in our society: its practitioners perceive it as a purely leisure -time pursuit and, consequently, never consider using the camera at work, as a means of documenting poor housing conditions, as a political toolÕ. Walker thus concludes that Ôgenerally speaking, amateur photographers are not interested in depicting the world truthfully. They concentrate on the beautiful and picturesque, they seek flattering portraits , idealised and cosy views of the world.Õ Despite the reticence on part of the amateur photographer described by Walker to use the photograph as a political device , recent shifts in critical and curatorial attitudes have led to a scrutiny of amateur photographs from the imposed perspective of Ôthe personal as politicalÕ. The area of photographic practice which has the most carefully defined, but unstated rituals and conventions, is the field of amateur practice that creates the family record.

The family album has taken over from the sombre record-keeping of the family bible which used to contain information of birth, deaths, individual defects, army service and of course marriages and the cycle of the following generations. Family albums are a personal history. Such albums validate family related events such as weddings, engagements, major birthday celebrations, reunions, graduations, holidays and excursions, and of course the offspring particularly in the early years. Even family pets and exemplary property such as cars, boats, particular dresses and costumes are included. More recently, family albums have extended to include evidence of members of the family having witnessed outstanding sporting or cultural spectacles or events. The myriad of camera flashes that spring into action at major events testify to this. Despite the growing sophistication of amateur cameras, the editing process for the family album still begins with a hasty private shuffle through the packet of prints outside the processing lab. The next strata of editing then occurs as the album is updated by the record custodian (usually the female in most western cultures) Future consumption is taken into consideration and the responsibility of keeping and handing on the album has ritualistic gestures attached to the task. The etiquette of family album photography has a very specific aim: to produce a record which, although highly stylised and hence unnatural, creates the impression of the standard which is generally accepted and respected. Individuals are not photographed in activities that could be described as the mundane aspects of daily life such as loading the washing machine or washing the dishes, cleaning, repairing, ablutions, bored behaviour or boring activities have no place in this highly stylised record. One other important area which is not usually acknowledged in this record is the recording of the unpleasant aspects of our existence, specifically, major illness and death. While death occurs, in stylised form, many times during an average evening's television programme, the photographing of a dead member of the family is nowadays a taboo. Two generations ago this practice still existed, but since the 1930's it has quickly atrophied.

The European custom of a death-card appears to have wasted away in the integration of migrants and the process of 'Australianisation' that many of the second generation migrants willingly undertook. The enormous degree of censorship in this process is generally not acknowledged in any way. In this area the family and commercial photograph have a great deal in common as they both uphold the artificial image to stand for and represent the commonly accepted 'typical'. The feminist movementÕs campaign for recognition of the 'personal as political' strengthened arguments by photographic theorists who claim the family album as a key site of representation (Bourdieu, Flusser). Complimentary arguments by social historians have made the case for utilising apparently inconsequential and everyday subject matter in their researches. One of the important initiatives in this direction is the Outreach Project which was mounted by the Museum of Victoria . This brief examination has shown that photographic production and locative contexts for photography are often brought together with concealed mechanisms. Every photograph is manipulated as soon as it enters a specific context. Consequently, its interpretation requires the analysis of the hidden structure which assigned its place within a context. The sign which so innocently postures as a newspaper photograph or a family snap can only be made to reveal its true nature once all the layers of intention which formed it are disclosed. The re-location of photographs in new ÔcontextsÕ due to changes in significance, or the post-modern practice of appropriation have added further bulk to a truly Sisyphean task of analysis that ensures that only a few select photographs will ever disclose all their secrets.

The stylistic and aesthetic parameters of concern usually provide one of the major distinguishing factors between amateur, professional - and what has come to be known recently as Ôart photographyÕ. Such stylistic and aesthetic considerations vary from the conventions that govern the positioning of individuals for a group portrait to Ôplacing the skin tone in zone 5Õ and the intentional de-focusing of the image in the camera or later, in the enlarger. A thorough discussion of all the relevant variants in this area could easily become an immense undertaking and this task is most certainly outside the scope of this document. I shall therefore confine myself here to discuss four specific cases that demonstrate the implications of particular aesthetic decisions or choices on the function of a selection of photographic images. Stylistic changes in Australian photographic practice are frequently indicators of a compliance with trends and changes in the ideology of art practice but also, at times, the consequence of new photographic processes or equipment. The two examples of changes in early portraiture which I described earlier in this chapter demonstrate the change from the formal and stiff daguerreotype to the more relaxed and casual pose and composition made possible by the faster emulsion of the calotype. The technical evolution of photography clearly determined both the choice and treatment of subject-matter, but this influence diminished towards the turn of the century.

The stylistic differences in the work of the contemporaries Samuel Sweet and Nicholas Caire could be cited as textbook examples of a photographic interpretation of the Ôclassic' versus the ÔromanticÕ traditions. Samuel Sweet for example, depicts the Ôheroic settlerÕ and the process of 'settling' the country in the classic style (plate 27) Sweet pays homage to the grand and romantic propositions of the colonial vision of progress : the acquisition and commercial exploitation of all the available land, the establishment and expansion of settlements and the ÔtamingÕ of the wilderness and its native inhabitants. SweetÕs work is austere and formally constructed, both these elements are embedded in the classical tradition. In contrast, the romantic, atmospheric unity between the human and his natural surroundings in Nicholas CaireÕs photographs depict settlers without reference to the notion of the 'heroic conquering' that typifies Sweets work. Caire's image ÔOn the YarraÕ (plate 28) for instance has quite a lot in common with Frederick McCubbinÕs paintings. After the period of overlap between modernist and pictorialist practice which continued the propinquity between the classic and romantic tradition , the arrival of ÔostranenieÕ interrupted the traditional copying of the latest British or European aesthetic standards by Australian photographers.

By the time Australia joined the Second World War, the use of propaganda had gained considerable momentum. During the war years the use of photography at home was of equal importance to the image gathering on the battle-front. Soldiers were encouraged by information of efforts on the home-front such as the Allied Works Council which recruited men over 35 to work on war construction projects. The A.W.C. had two official photographers attached to it: the ex Sydney Mail photographer Herbert Fishwick and Edward Cranstone, who was transferred from the Department of Information. Anne Marie Willis describes Cranstone as a man familiar with Soviet photography and film-making . Cranstone's typically low camera angles, the tilted frame and indeed the choice of viewpoint and subject-matter (plate 18) support the speculation that he was copying the Soviet style. His depictions of workers in statuesque, if not heroic, poses (plate 17) remind one of the works from the ÔOktyabr groupÕ . In stylistic terms, the links between CranstoneÕs work and the images produced by Rodchenko , Langman (plate 29), Smirnov, Maximov and Eisenstadt are self-evident. The ideological basis for the work however differs substantially. Cranstone had adopted the photographic style of the workers revolution and put it to service as a propagandist device designed to promote popular support for a right-wing conservative political agenda in Australia. Social photography was one of the earliest documentary applications of the photographic medium. Officially commissioned photographic documentation projects were often used to record specific, usually adverse, social conditions.

Projects such as Thomas AnnanÕs work between 1868 and 1877 for the ÔGlasgow City Improvement TrustÕ were not usually intended for public viewing .This afforded the photographer a degree of freedom from the conventions of civic photography ( plate 30) Australian projects such as The City of Sydney Improvement Board Photographs (1875-1888) and John DegotardiÕs depictions of the cleansing operations for the bubonic plague in Sydney in 1900 were not intended for public exhibition and had no particular stylistic or aesthetic hallmarks (plate 31).They do however anticipate the photographic style popularised by Walker EvansÕ Farm Security Administration photographs. This style consists of simplicity, frontal views and the use of a view camera usually set to a small aperture for maximum Ôdepth of fieldÕ and detail. These few simple devices became synonymous with the photo-documentary style. This style of depiction and itÕs association with Ôserious social issuesÕ has retained a strong following with practitioners and audience alike. Two contemporary exponents who address similar issues are Peter Elliston (plate 32) and Ian Lobb. (plate 33)Their trademarks are the Ôfine printÕ and the apparent Ôanalytical detachmentÕ on the part of the photographer. The definition of essential conventions that determine the practice of documentary photography has been a subject of considerable international debate since the 1930s. Despite this lack of consensus , photo documentary practice in Australia and elsewhere tends to pre-date the debate by several decades.

The Mark Strizic photograph entitled People sitting on the steps of Saint PatrickÕs Cathedral (plate 9) which was cited earlier in this chapter will be used here to examine some factors in the production and circulation of a documentary photograph .This photograph is representational of the self assigned (that is, non-commissioned), open ended, hunt for the opportunity to convey oneÕs Ôweltanschauung' via selective depiction of ÔwhatÕs out thereÕ. As each photograph evolves in itÕs own peculiar manner, it is not possible to provide any useful or valid generalisations about the process which causes a photographer to select a specific moment or framing in preference to another slightly different composition or fragment of time. The photograph on plate 9 can be accurately dated but the caption placed with this image by Stella Lees and June Senyard which explains The Queen had just passed and so had an era where Australia was seen as an outpost of the British empire suggests that this image is a symbol for something other than the event which was the ÔobjectÕ of the photograph. This image contains after all no discreet visual reference to the Queens visit. Instead it depicts a group of casually placed seated individuals, both male and female in various resting poses. The fact that several individuals are holding newspapers reveals nothing further to the viewer other than perhaps a strong sense of the ÔseparatenessÕ of the persons shown. All the individuals are formally attired and a number of the men are obviously showing signs of fatigue. Mark StrizicÕs photograph would undoubtedly have been rejected by any news editor who required a much more obvious reference to the central event such as the image on plate 10.

The last area of practice to be discussed here is what is broadly termed the manipulated image. ItÕs history goes back to the pioneering years of the medium . Whereas most early applications of early print manipulation were discreet , the recent trend among art photographers in Australia and elsewhere to ÔmanipulateÕ their images is the consequence of a fundamental conceptual and attitudinal change from Ôtaking photographsÕ to Ômaking photographsÕ. The contemporary use of the term Ômanipulated imageÕ describes a broad range of processes and techniques which not only alter the appearance of the photographic print but draw attention to this process of interference with the pristine image. On the stylistic level this permits the photographer to break away from the mechanical and chemical limitations of the process whereas on a conceptual level the manipulated image discards any pretence at Ôphotographic objectivityÕ. I shall discuss only two of the many approaches. Image and text juxtapositions on the print and the hand coloured photographs. The international reputations of Barbara Krueger and Duane Michaels have made it difficult for others who wished to work with image-text combination photographs to avoid accusations of plagiarism . In Australia however, the billboard had been made vulnerable by the artists from B.U.G.G.A.U.P .From there it was only a short step to the appropriation of mass communication devices such as posters and mobile billboards and the legitimation of their use as signifier for art practice. Projects such as Jeff Gibson Impostor series were seen around Sydney and Ann Wulff used buses in Hobart to ferry thirty different text signs about town as part of her Perilous Prosperity project . The Billboard Project in 1990 produced the opportunity for artists to work with these devices, traditionally only accessible to the advertising industry.

Maria KozicÕs Bitch was seen by thousands of motorists who may never have been exposed to KozicÕs art in a gallery context . Micky Allen whose background in painting influenced her first rather tentative efforts in hand-colouring photographs is typical of a group of predominantly female photographers who, during the mid seventies, moved away from the pristine practice which was still seen by many as the only valid way to practice the medium . The Family Tree Installation ( plate 34) is typical for work generally described as manipulated photography: it makes no effort to disguise the interference with the image (it turns the process into a feature) and it is highly personal ( it makes comments about the world known by the photographer). The stylistic element of a photograph can be compared to the garments we wear in the sense that it signifies something about the nature of an entity external to itself while its participation in this process fuses it with this entity until they are one.

The preceding discussion has located some of the elements which have shaped the photographic interpretation of the white settlement of Australia. The technological, ideological, contextual and stylistic aspects of the photographic medium were examined in isolation from one another to demonstrate their individual function in the larger process of making a visual historical record. The examples cited within this framework of analysis have revealed that the critical examination of a photograph, which is informed by its structures of production, can disclose a great deal about the image which is not visually apparent. The next chapter will discuss how the camera was used to document the natives of Australia. Together with the material already examined it will support this writers view that changing social and political realities and values prescribe the reading of the photographic record which informs AustraliaÕs national history.

Plate 1 Newspaper advertisement in the Australian on December 9, 1842 announcing the opening of AustraliaÕs first commercial portrait studio by George Goodman in Sydney. Plate 2 Dureya Brothers, Unknown family group circa.1856. (Top)

Plate 3 Louisa Elizabeth How, John Crocker, Thomas L. Scott, Charles (Bottom) Morison, John Glen, Christmas Day 1858.

Plate 4 Charles Nettleton Album of Views entitled: Melbourne in the Eighteen sixties.

Plate 5 [Photographer unknown] Multiplication of views on rooftops [c.1870]. Plate 6 Advertisement by Harrington &Co., Limited in the Bulletin, May 30 1896, advertising the 'Pocket Kodak' camera.

Plate 7 Stuart Gore Car on fire on the North-West Highway, Western Australia, 1930.

Plates 8 a,b,c. Proofsheets of images taken by Mark Strizic on the day of the QueenÕs visit to Melbourne in 1954 (source: courtesy of the artist).

Plate 9 Mark Strizic: People sitting on the steps of St.Patricks Cathedral (Top) Original silver gelatin print 50 x 60 cm. Example shown is from a plate in the book captioned: ÔThe Queen had just passed, and so had an era where Australia was seen as an outpost of the British Empire.Õ

Plate 10 Photographer unknown No title (QueenÕs visit motorcade, (Bottom) Melbourne 1954 .

Plate 11 Colonization Circular, 1854 . Plate 12 a&b From an album of views by Richard Daintree entitled Queensland (1872).

Plate 13 Bernard Otto Holterman and Charles Bayliss The panorama of the Sydney harbour and suburbs [1872](detail).

Plate 14 Henry Beaufoy Merlin The Studio and staff of the American and Australasian Photographic Company, Hill End , New South Wales, 1872.

Plate 15 Advertisement in the Sydney Morning Herald on 21 September 1870. Plate 16 Der Arbeiter Fotograf (magazine cover)[1931]. (Top)

Plate 17 Frank Hurley. Caption reads: ÔAlong the coastal strip Queensland (Bottom) possesses a region in which most tropical and subtropical fruits may be grown. A prosperous migrant farmer and his helpers are gathering the strawberry crop for the nearby Brisbane market n.d.[1950s].

Plate 18 Edward Cranstone Allied Works Council Workers, 1943, (Top) (original title: Under blue Australian skies men from all walks of life engage in healthy work with the civil construction corps).

Plate 19 Graham McCarter Domenico Melagrinis, Boilerman, CSR, 2 years, (Bottom) Italian, from CSR Pyrmont refinery Centenary 1978 Photography Project, Plate 20 Barcroft Chapel Boake , New South Wales Contingent, Soudan Campaign, 1885. Plate 21 J. Gazard Before embarkation for active service, the men from the South African contingent at lunch at the Exhibition buildings 1900.

Plates 22 a,b,c. Reg Morrison (No title) caption reads: ÔBearing their mateship like a banner they shuffle towards the haze of faces and the gentle clink of medals. The soft morning seeps down the walls on either side and hangs on fading flags and grey felt hats. Ageing photographs and hip flasks pass from hand to hand, and the the drums and pipes and all the old nostalgia of the march. From amplifiers the roll call of the units thunders like a sermon over crowds that are no longer sure how to respond. It echoes down the corridors of bright balloons and little Hong Kong made flags on sticks, and their mateship lives again, a fading, suspect dream , marching in columns in the grey streets one day every year. [1972] Plates 23 a,b,c. Glenda Gerrard Anzac Photographs 1982

Plate 24 J.S.Willey Edward Street Brisbane during the 1893 flood. Plate 25 Front cover of The Herald-Sun , Tuesday March 26 1991. Caption reads: ÔWalsh St. 4 clearedÕ. Plate 26 David Moore Redfern Interior, 1949. Plate 27 Captain Samuel Sweet Poonindie, South Australia [circa 1870-1886].

Plate 28 Nicholas Caire On the Yarra [1870s]. Plate 29 E.Langman Ahead with 1040. 1931. Plate 30 Thomas Annan, No.11, Bridgegate, Glasgow, 1867 . Plate 31 The City of Sydney Improvement Board Rat catchers 1900. Plate 32 Peter Elliston Chambers Pillar, Northern Territory, 1984. Plate 33 Ian Lobb Jindabyne 1983.

Plate 34 Micky Allan Panel 12 from the series The Family Room. 1982.